Njabuliso Mguni: MDC Candidate

This weekend, the people of Lupane will be queuing to cast their vote in a by-election resulting from the death of David Mpala, the MDC Member of Parliament elected in 2000. Theirs is no ordinary constituency: Lupane is a name synonymous with some of the worst human rights violations imaginable. This drought stricken remote rural area of Zimbabwe has a long acquaintance with violence. During the liberation struggle, international newspapers carried reports of vicious attacks on missionaries and civilians in the area. But freedom did not bring peace; international attention was once again focussed on Lupane in post-independence Zimbabwe in July 1982 when six foreign tourists were allegedly abducted.

Within days of the disappearance of the tourists, Robert Mugabe deployed troops into the Matabeleland North areas of Lupane and Tsholotsho under the pretext of searching for the whereabouts of the missing six tourists. The Mthwakazi Action Group on Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in Matabeleland and Midlands 2000 (based in London) maintain that the abductions were orchestrated by Robert Mugabe to justify a crackdown on the area, resulting in the torture and murder of thousands of civilians with the intent to undermine the main opposition at the time, Joshua Nkomo's ZAPU. They note: "Scores of villagers and communities were raped, beaten, tortured, killed or disappeared. Hundreds of thousands more were compelled with threats of torture, beatings and killings to join and buy ZANU-PF membership cards".

It was not until the late 1990s that the full extent of the atrocities reached international public attention through the publication of the Breaking the Silence report, but that is not to say that the International community was unaware of what was happening during the 1980s.

Donald Trelford, editor of The Observer (UK) recalled an interview that he had with Robert Mugabe in 1984 where he asked Mugabe whether he would ever consider a political solution to the Matabeleland issue rather then the military one. Trelford describes Mugabe's response to his question as 'blunt' and 'chilling'. Mugabe replied:

'The solution is a military one. Their grievances are unfounded. The verdict of the voters was cast in 1980. They should have accepted defeat then… The situation in Matabeleland is one that requires a change. The people must be reoriented.'

The Breaking the Silence report (attached below) describes in detail what a militaristic reorientation programme involves: curfews are imposed, journalists are forbidden to enter the area, but worst of all, troops trained in 'counter insurgency', or, to use Mugabe's euphemism, 'reorientation' are let loose on a community.

In 1983, the infamous red-bereted 5 Brigade was deployed in Matabeleland. These were no ordinary troops: they were soldiers equipped with unusually cruel skills, trained by North Koreans recruited specifically to impart this knowledge. We learn through the Breaking the Silence report that the methods used to address "reorientation", "change", "unfounded grievances", to teach a community to "accept defeat", were methods that involved civilian murders, civilian rapes, civilian torture and the destruction of civilian property.

"Five Brigade passed first through Tsholotsho, spreading out rapidly through Lupane and Nkayi, and their impact on all these communal areas was shocking. Within the space of six weeks more than 2000 civilians had died, hundreds of homesteads had been burnt and thousands of civilians had been beaten. Most of the dead were killed in public executions involving between one and 12 people at a time."

The same report describes in detail some of the techniques used. Most would defy the most creative imagination of Hollywood's horror film directors; all techniques were intended to maximise terror, pain, grief and humiliation.

One of the most difficult things to comprehend is that these perverse barbaric acts of cruelty were not the actions of psychopaths, but soldiers. Their 'enemy' was not an invading army from foreign borders, nor were they fighting for freedom against a repressive racist regime; the 'enemy' were our fellow Zimbabweans - men, women, children, the elderly: the innocent and the defenceless; the helplessly isolated.

Lupane is singled out in the Breaking the Silence report as being the area where, more than other areas, entire villages were destroyed - huts deliberately burned down by the 5 Brigade, sometimes while people were still in them. Lupane is also singled out as an area where people were frequently denied the right to bury their dead:

"burial was on occasion forbidden, and relatives of the dead were reportedly forced to observe the remains of their dead rotting away and being scavenged. In these cases, bones were sometimes buried months or years later, and in other cases, bones were removed by the 5 Brigade, who came past in trucks and collected them. In cases where bones were removed by 5 Brigade, chances of recovery now are almost non-existent" (Breaking the Silence 1997).

Offences for Lupane are conservatively estimated in the report as follows:

• Death: 275
• Missing: 41
• Property loss: 58
• Physical torture: 2
• Detention (by Govt. agencies): 158
• Physical torture: Assault with Sticks, blunt weapon: 186
• Physical torture: Assault with Burning object, or enclosure of victim in burning building : 10
• Physical torture: Assault with Bayonette, or other sharp weapon: 1
• Physical injury: Gun Shot Wound: 37
• Rape: 6

Reorientation" and "Accepting defeat": these were the words used by Mugabe to sweep away and justify the calculated cruelty, murder, torture, degradation, humiliation and intimidation of his own people, his fellow Zimbabweans.

In an open letter to Mugabe in 1997, Amnesty International called on Mugabe to acknowledge the horror that had happened years earlier. But it was not until 1999, at Joshua Nkomo's funeral, that Mugabe flirted, for the first time, with the notion of accountability by acknowledging the impact on innocent people, saying, "The conflict which took place caused great suffering among innocent people, we regret that". His 'almost apology' was immediately qualified, however, with the words "but these conflicts always do that".

A year later, in July 2000, Mugabe tried again to perpetuate the myth that his specially trained troops were fighting a justifiable conflict, a war against an identifiable and dangerous enemy, rather than indiscriminately massacring thousands of civilians. This time he was speaking at a memorial service for Joshua Nkomo. Possibly still reeling from shock at the number of seats won by the MDC at the general elections earlier in the year, Mugabe said: "It was an act of madness, we killed each other and destroyed each other's property" and "It was wrong". But again, the 'almost apology' is qualified with the ready words "both sides were to blame".

This is unacceptable to the communities who endured 5 Brigade's special brand of cruelty, as the words of one Gukuruhundi survivor clearly illustrates:

"Mugabe, whose praises we were made to sing while these people were being murdered, is not saying anything. "The people whom we regarded as our leaders in PF Zapu, are now living in glass houses, and our children remain where the killers decided they should remain. Is that the type of country we fought for?"

If this was a 'war', a 'national security issue' where 'both sides' were wrong, why has Mugabe been so reluctant to release the findings of the Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe reports into the Matabeleland atrocities? Further, are we to believe that it is purely coincidental that the only existing copy of the Dumbutshena report was reportedly removed from the National Archives by the CIO? Why have the mass graves of those killed 'in action' (as Mugabe would like us to believe) been dug up and the bones moved to unknown locations?

Years later, the ruling party's efforts to impose 'reorientation' and 'accepting defeat' on a civilian population continues. The familiar pattern emerges once more - an absence of journalists, no-go areas : yet another "curtain of silence". The people of Lupane found their voice in 2000 despite all the 'lessons' ruthlessly forced upon the people of Lupane by Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF over the years; despite the fact that the genocide, rapes, murders and torture incurred very little response from the international community; and despite the fact that they were once again isolated from the media. They collectively, and courageously, spoke through the ballot box by electing David Mpala of the MDC as their Member of Parliament.

Once again, the response was murder.

In February 2001 the MDC's ward chairman for Sizangobuhle ward, Jameson Sicwe, was murdered by a group of war veterans who dragged him from his home and beat him with thick sticks all over his body. He died on the spot.

One year earlier, in April 2000, David Mpala had been abducted and severely beaten by a group of about 40 ruling ZANU-PF supporters. A year after the death of Jameson Sicwe, the Daily News reported that David Mpala was fighting for his life after being abducted by ZANU-PF supporters on a Sunday afternoon, who then went on to "slit his abdomen with knives" and try to crush his skull. Unlike Jameson Sicwe, David Mpala's wounds did not kill him immediately. He died earlier this year in February 2004, two years after being stabbed. The MDC have stated that Mpala's death was brought about by injuries sustained in 2002, while the state-controlled media trumpeted that he had died of meningitis.

Whatever the cause of David Mpala's death, Lupane is once again the centre of attention. Dates for the by-election have been set for 15 and 16 May 2004. The two main candidates are Njabuliso Mguni for the MDC, and Martin Khumalo for ZANU-PF.

The 5 Brigade have not returned, but the 'curtain of silence' that has once again fallen now conceals the activities of another specially trained wing of ZANU-PF; the 'Green Bombers' - so-named by the public because of their green uniforms and thuggish brutality. (A recent Herald article suggests too that the notorious red-beret, a visual reminder of the infamous 5 Brigade, is also a part of their uniform).

These are not soldiers: they are our own youth. Young people whose minds have been deliberately and systematically broken down through a programme of calculated abuse to teach them to accommodate ZANU-PF's unpalatable view that torturing and attacking their own communities, sometimes their own families, is their duty.

The following transcript details a conversation between Hillary Andersson, a BBC correspondent, and Edward, a young man who now works in the Ministry of Youth Development, Gender and Employment Creation:

ANDERSSON: […] The next vital stage of training is an intense programme of indoctrination. The youths are taught to think like Mugabe. Edward, back in the ministry, only qualified for his job monitoring the camps after going through the process of psychological training himself.

EDWARD: They have to deal with you physically and then they have to take out the stuff which you have in your mind and then put in the new stuff which is literally brainwashing.

ANDERSSON: Is that what they told you?

EDWARD: Yes.

ANDERSSON: That they wanted….

EDWARD: Yes, they want to empty your mind out and then once you're called in, you go with an empty mind.

ANDERSSON: This is a lesson taking place inside a camp. The youths are taught Mugabe's own version of history. The manual they learn from is written by the President himself. The lesson is simple and racist. Mugabe and his party Zanu, are the heroes of blacks. The opposition party, the MDC is backed by whites and is bad. Questioning this is forbidden.

EDWARD: I was taught that the enemy was obviously the opposition and mostly the whites. Those were the main enemies of Zimbabwe.

ANDERSSON: Mugabe repeats this message again and again to the youth and the nation. Enemies of the state, enemies of Mugabe's party Zanu-PF must be made to repent (BBC, Panorama, 6 March 2004).

On the 28th March 2004, The Standard reported the inevitable: hundreds of green bombers were being bussed into Lupane to prepare for the upcoming by-election. The success of the MDC in 2000 showed that grotesque violence might not be enough to support Mugabe's party; perhaps realising this, ZANU-PF has adjusted to accommodate other vote-acquiring tactics. It was not long before the MDC called attention to the fact that hundreds of green bombers were now also being registered as voters in the Lupane constituency. One political analyst observed that the ghost of the 1980s, which had previously helped the MDC win support from this embattled community, was no longer a threat to ZANU-PF: he commented that the "ghost can also be "rigged out"".

Nevertheless, violence is deeply instilled in the ZANU-PF pathology and appears to be a hard habit to break. Favourite techniques are still being employed to lend support to any rigging operations set in place. The MDC's candidate, Njabuliso Mguni, campaigns daily with the sobering knowledge that the previous MP was abducted and brutally stabbed, later dying from his injuries; that Lupane's ward chairman was also brutally murdered. He takes the precautions of travelling around this rural constituency in a special armour plated vehicle, and of sleeping in different hiding places every night. During the day, he has to contend with his campaign meetings being disrupted or cancelled, as well as constant police harassment.

This testimony from an eyewitness at one of Njabuliso Mguni's campaign rallies has been extracted from a report carried in The Standard:

As suddenly as they arrived, some of the vehicles - laden with war veterans and Zanu PF youths - started moving fast in a circle right round the open space entrapping hundreds of MDC supporters who were listening to a fired up Mguni. Mguni, a veteran educationist, was urging them to shun the ruling party in the by-election set for May 15 and 16 and instead vote for the MDC. At the same time, other vehicles with menacing looking occupants, were being revved, making such ear-shattering noise that it was obvious this was a deliberate ploy to make it impossible for Mguni to communicate with his audience. Apart from that, the vehicles also raised so much dust that engulfed the gathering within seconds.

Confronted by this frightful scenario, it didn't take long for the faint-hearted to take to their heels escaping from what turned out to be the Gomoza circle of despair. Among those caught up in the stampede were elderly men, women and children. Only a few people, mainly MDC officials and ex-Zipra combatants stood their ground and remained at the venue until the hullabaloo died down. Out came the leaders of the war veterans and the militia who announced that the meeting was illegal and everyone had to disperse. "Abandon your rally and get away now," said a fierce looking war veteran threateningly, as he and his mates pranced about like prize fighters.

The journalist who witnessed these events went on to report that two people, civilians, were fighting for their lives as a result of attacks by war veterans and ZANU-PF supporters. In a chilling reminder of the circumstances surrounding the deaths of David Mpala and Jameson Sicwe, the same newspaper reported a week later that five opposition supporters had been abducted by ZANU-PF supporters and taken to a place where they were severely assaulted. Two days before polling was due to start, newspapers reported that at least 64 MDC supporters had been indiscriminately arrested by the police.

When the people of Lupane queue to vote on the 15 and 16 May, they must do so with mixed feelings. Without doubt, everyone in the community will know the story of the Gukuruhundi, many will have heard tales about members of their family, many others may have had families who preferred silence, because the pain of the story is too hard to tell. This is a community with a collective scarred psyche. But it is also an incredibly brave and defiant community.

Many of us fear speaking out in Zimbabwe these days, because the repercussions are thuggish and swift. We have slowly learned too that the likelihood of the international community coming to our rescue is small, infinitesimal. The people of Lupane know this far better than any of us can ever imagine, and yet they still attend rallies, they will still try, however futile it may turn out to be, to cast their vote this weekend. In the face of their instinct for survival, 'freedom' and 'democracy', still matter. Their courage is humbling and an inspiration to us all.

Let us resolve this weekend that despite the rigging, the violence and the brutality that may be taking place at this very moment, despite our own despair at the government's efforts to continue to break down our spirit through forced school closures and the destruction of the economy, that each and every one of us spares a thought for the people of Lupane. Talk about them to your family and friends. Above all, pray for them.

Mugabe would have you believe that land is everything in this country of ours, but a nation would be nothing without its people. Mugabe has taken the land, but the only way he can say he has the support of the people is through brute force, theft, deception and cruelty. Journalists may find it difficult to do their job in Lupane this weekend, but let us not forget that we are all storytellers. If the media cannot represent the people of Lupane, then it falls to us, their fellow Zimbabweans, to honour them with our memories, and to ensure that their story of tragedy, and bravery, is never forgotten.