The Woza Story

WOZA (Women of Zimbabwe Arise) marched onto Zimbabwe's national stage on February 14, 2003, handing out red roses for love as they processed through the streets of Bulawayo and Harare. It was not the first time they had marched - that had been two months earlier when the police had escorted a noisy, pot-banging demonstration in Bulawayo during the campaign against gender violence. But this time was different. In both cities, the marches were vigorously broken up by the riot police, and women were hustled off to police cells.

How had these women, pronouncing peace and love with their roses, offended the police? Who were they, why were they marching, and why do they continue to march up to today? The context will give us the answers to all these questions.

By late 2002 morale throughout Zimbabwe was very low. The hopes for an escape from economic collapse through a change of government had been dashed as ZANU PF demonstrated its determination to subvert the electoral process. It had tightened its grip on power through unconstitutional legislation, abrogation of the rule of law, and crude violence. Several civil society groups were active alongside the opposition MDC in speaking out on behalf of the long-suffering people, but the international community to which they constantly appealed kept asking "where are the ordinary Zimbabweans? If things are so bad, why are they not protesting?"

WOZA was formed partly with a view to answering this question, and partly to address a long-term need to give Zimbabwean women a voice. There are many NGOs, church organisations and clubs which deal with women's issues - including gender violence, income generation, HIV/AIDS, skills training and cultural activities. But on a national scale there has never been a mass organisation of women to act as a pressure group to lobby and advocate on issues concerning women. Women have only been organised within political parties, helping to set agendas for policy formation and ultimately having the aim of assisting their party to gain or to retain power.

WOZA was formed to fill such a gap, to provide a platform for women to use the power of their numbers to pressurise for policies and programmes, not to gain political power. It is based on the presumption that the vast majority of women have common issues, with solutions not based on political affiliation. But WOZA had first to respond to the immediate issues of the Zimbabwean crisis. They felt it was necessary to force the government and the international community to take account of the effect of the crisis on women, their families, and their children. And the only way this could be done was to take to the streets and demonstrate their desperation, claiming back the right to free expression which had been taken away by the Public Order and Security Act (POSA). They knew that without police sanction their actions would be treated by the authorities as illegal, but if they were arrested, so be it: they were prepared for that. Someone had to speak out, someone had to show government and the rest of the world that Zimbabweans are living in an intolerable situation, and the way to solve our problems is not through the hate and violence being preached through government propaganda and actions, but through love, concern and respect for one other.

And so throughout 2003 and 2004 they have continued to march and demonstrate, each time with a specific message: "love not hate", "sweep the streets clean of the dirt of corruption", "our pots are empty", "government has caused the cash crisis by greed", "we are like refugees in our own country", "withdraw the NGO Bill", "withdraw POSA". Each time, there have been arrests, and each time the voice of Zimbabwean women has been kept alive, even though by the end of 2003 government controlled almost all the media in the country.
At numerous small meetings and planning sessions, the members of WOZA have developed and refined their vision for their organisation. Their aim is to empower women to speak out about the things that concern them, to develop capacities of women to participate in public life with confidence and to understand their problems in a wider context. Their mode of organisation is democratic and participatory, but they have specifically rejected the type of organisation found in Zimbabwean political parties where individuals are constantly competing for positions. Rather leadership is earned through leading others into actions and is shared and rotated so that many have the opportunity to develop leadership skills. Organisation begins at the bottom, with neighbourhood committees, and to date no national structure has been formalised.

Inspired by Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi, WOZA espouses a commitment to non-violent civil disobedience. The protest action by a few is taken on behalf of the many, knowing that the consequences may be severe. After several attempts to co-operate with the police had resulted in rejection, the women decided that they would no longer try to obey laws that clearly deprived them of rights not only enshrined in international human rights instruments signed by Zimbabwe but also guaranteed in our own constitution. If the police were always going to prohibit their demonstrations, they would simply go ahead and demonstrate without notifying the police. This is the reason arrests are frequent.

The risky nature of the activities had several predictable results:

* Harassment by police in the form of searches of houses and properties owned or used by activists, summonses to the police station for questioning, confiscation of property and numerous arrests and court appearances
* Membership shifted towards those who had the least to lose, that is towards the impoverished women in the urban townships, and away from the employed middle and working class women
* Organisation became more difficult, because these women lacked their own resources and had to be assisted, even to attend meetings
* Frequent arrests and searches have played havoc with organisational planning
* Complicated relationships resulted with other organisations and individuals who support the cause morally but are not prepared to risk arrest or assaults by the police
* Increasing respect came from members of the public, other NGOs and foreign well-wishers

In spite of harassment by the police, arrests and detention in the police cells in unspeakable conditions, no WOZA woman has ever been sentenced in a court to a period of imprisonment. Admission of guilt fines have been paid under protest in order to escape the inhuman conditions of the police cells, but recently a High Court judge accepted an application for the fines to be returned. Generally women have been charged under section 19 of POSA - behaviour likely to cause a riot - or section 24 - organising an unlawful gathering. But even the prosecutors have been reluctant to press these charges, as they know the evidence does not support convictions. They have rather reduced the charges to a section under the Miscellaneous Offences Act such as obstructing the pavement. Although some charges under section 24 are still outstanding, more often the magistrates have simply refused to place the women on remand, saying there is no evidence of an offence. In the one case which has gone to trial, the charges were first reduced to obstructing traffic, and then they could not be sustained because the police witnesses gave conflicting testimony. Incompetence or complicity? We will never know, but what is known is that almost every time there are arrests there are whispered words of encouragement from some police officers and court officials, both men and women. They are suffering the same deprivations as the demonstrators.

The WOZA women, defended by lawyers provided by Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, argue that they are exempted from POSA because they are a non-political ogranisation and their focus socio- economic issues. Up to now, this argument has succeeded in getting charges reduced and keeping women from being convicted. However, the mere fact of being arrested and held in cells which are filthy, full of lice and mosquitoes, with blocked open toilets, and no food except that brought by friends and families, is punishment enough for most, and certainly does deter others from participating in the demonstrations. The conditions violate all international as well as Zimbabwean human rights standards. Sometimes women are deliberately crowded into tiny cells when other cells are available. It is all part of the brutality. In one case, young women attending a meeting were sjamboked on the soles of their feet as a way of intimidating them. The police themselves have undertaken to punish the women, knowing that it will be difficult to secure convictions in the courts.

WOZA's latest achievement was a walk from Bulawayo to Harare by more than 100 women. The 35 in the core group undertook the whole journey, and were joined by up to 115 others who joined for two days each, at different points along the route. The walk's aim was to protest the NGO Bill currently before Parliament. If this Bill becomes law, all foreign funding will be banned for "issues of governance" which is now defined to include any matter in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the civil rights in the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. Furthermore, every NGO will have to register with a government appointed Council which can refuse registration. This new law will effectively render an organisation such as WOZA illegal, since it is unlikely to be registered. Hence this "long march" to protest against it before it becomes law. The women left Bulawayo quietly in the early morning and apparently were undetected by the police until they reached Gweru, 170 kilometres away. In ten days, they had reached Selous, less than 100 kilometres from Harare, where all but two were arrested. Those two had gone in search of supplies. Later that night one of the two was arrested when delivering food to colleagues in custody, leaving only one at large. She continued a lonely walk all the way to Harare, where she and 8 others, including a 4 month old baby, who joined her outside Parliament were arrested for saying a prayer together.

The 48 women and their 4 male support team arrested in Selous were released by a Chegutu magistrate who could not find any offence, and they proceeded to Harare. Together the two groups completed their protest by presenting a petition at Parliament on the day it opened, October 5, to be delivered to the Speaker. But before they could meet with the Speaker, 49 of the 80-strong group were arrested again outside Parliament by the riot police.

What has kept these brave women going, in the face of such hardships, infiltration by police informers, lack of resources, and the reluctance of the vast majority of Zimbabwean women to join in their actions of civil disobedience? It is impossible to write about WOZA without mentioning Jenni Williams, one of the founders and the on-going inspiration of WOZA women. She is a visionary, driven by a remarkable energy, determined and brave, undeterred by threats and harassment and numerous arrests and uncomfortable nights in stinking police cells. It is her faith that keeps her going, and a commitment to see justice being done throughout Zimbabwe. She was the lonely walker who proceeded from Selous to Harare on her own, to ensure that the protest march reached its planned conclusion.

The future for WOZA is uncertain. Faced with ZANU PF's battery of laws designed to silence voices such as theirs, more bravery, commitment and ingenuity will be required to keep the flame alive through the repression which lies ahead. But hopefully when a new beginning is made, WOZA will be still be there to provide the sorely needed women's voice.