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The impact of recent salary increases by the Mugabe regime

Tuesday, June 6th, 2006

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What did they do?

At the end of April, the Mugabe regime announced pay increases for teachers, the army and the police. According to The Herald (the state-controlled daily newspaper), the lowest-paid soldier will now earn a monthly salary of $27.2 million - R800 or USD 130 - (previously Z$10 million), and a teacher will earn a minimum of Z$33 million per month - R970 or USD157. Bear in mind, too, that Zimbabwe’s poverty datum line (PDL) currently stands at Z$35 million, so that lowest-paid soldier is actually earning less than this basic minimum.

It is sobering to look at just how far that money goes, in a country where inflation for April is 1042.9%, the highest in the world.

Let’s take the case of a hypothetical teacher - call her Mrs Moyo: she probably receives about Z$28 million after tax each month, maybe a little less - R823 or USD133. How far does that salary go?

Well, she’s got 3 children of school-going age: 2 are in primary school and 1 has just started high school: that’s Z$2.5 million for each of the younger children, and a further Z$9 million for the eldest one, or a total of Z$14 million - R411 or USD66.

Then, because she’s at work all day, and her husband passed away a year ago, she employs a domestic who looks after the 2 younger children, and helps around the house - she knows that she’s meant to pay the lady Z$2.6 million, but she just can’t afford it, and the lady’s desperate for a job and has agreed to accept $1.5 million (because that’s better than nothing at all).

She walks to work, and so do her children - leaving home at 6.30am - that saves her the cost of transport. But her next major expense is, of course, food. Take a look at what some of the things in her shopping basket cost

  • 10kgs mealie meal (the local staple) for Z$250 000
  • 750ml cooking oil Z$290 000
  • 1kg sugar Z$390 000
  • packet usavi mix (gravy) Z$82 000
  • loaf of bread Z$100 000
  • 500g pasta Z$270 000
  • litre milk Z$164 000
  • 250g mince meat Z$227 000
  • 50 teabags Z$140 000
  • 5 bananas Z$170 000
  • 1 bar laundry soap Z$173 000

Say she is buying double the above quantities (which won’t last her family more than a few days), that costs a total of Z$4 512 000 - R132 or USD21. In reality, she probably has to spend that amount at least 3 times a month - and that’s a very meagre diet for the family.

Now, as an aside, (which would be humorous if it were not for the devastating poverty of the population), she would have to take 90 bank notes of the highest denomination of Z$50 000 with her to pay for her shopping - that’s a pile about 1 cm high, or half an inch for those of you still using the imperial measurements! In reality, she probably needs to pay with Z$20 000 notes, as these are more readily available - that’s a mere 225 notes, about 2.5 cms high (and don’t forget the weight and the security issues of carrying this sort of money around with you). Frequently, in fact, you see some of the slightly more affluent people paying for their month’s grocery shopping with piles of cash 25 cms (or 10 inches) high or more!

So, after school fees, food, and paying her domestic worker, Mrs Moyo has spent (in fact she has overspent) her entire net salary of Z$28m.

Mrs Moyo is a regular church-goer, being part of the Mothers’ Union of her church. She prays each night that none of her children will get sick, because the regime has just increased hospital charges - the consultation fee in the outpatients’ department of the central hospital has gone up from a very nominal Z$300 to Z$760 000(R22 or USD3.60) for adults and Z$380 000 for children (for children alone, that’s an increase of over 1000%).

The frightening thing about the rise of more than 1000% in school fees, is that large numbers of children will drop out of school, and others will not even be able to get any education at all. This is the second time this year that school fees have been hiked and, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) statistics for the period 1996 to 2004, only 44 percent of boys and 42 percent of girls who were enrolled in a secondary school actually attended classes (probably due to hunger and poverty). This is a grim future for our children, and for our country too.

Why did they do it?

Leaving aside the impact on the individual, we need to look at why the regime had this apparent fit of generosity in increasing civil servants’ salaries.

Some weeks ago now, the leader of one of the two factions of the MDC, Morgan Tsvangirai, threatened mass action on the streets during the winter months (June or July, we assume). Clearly this is not a threat to be taken lightly by the regime, knowing as they do just how much the populace is suffering - indeed starving. Hence it was imperative to get the army and police on-sides. There had been several reports of discontent brewing in the forces, particularly among the lower ranked members, and it seems that the regime was concerned that they might disobey orders and even join hands with the demonstrators against the Mugabe regime. This threat had to be quashed. Hence the pay increases.

But how will the regime find the money to effect these pay increases? A respected Zimbabwean economist, John Robertson, has been quoted as saying that the Zimbabwe government has only one option “and that’s to print money”, and that a supplementary budget would have to be drawn up shortly as a result. He is also quoted as saying that in four months’ time, civil servants will probably be asking the regime to double wages again.

Reliable estimates of the cost of these recent increases is in the region of Z$50 - 60 trillion (that’s 60 with 12 noughts after it!) - R1765million or USD286 million. And already, recently, it is reported (in the Zimbabwe Independent) that the RBZ printed $46 trillion to pay the IMF and finance its operations, with President Mugabe’s blessing.

What’s that going to do to inflation?! It will spiral exponentially - completely out of control. Even the best estimates made at the end of March - before these salary increases - which looked pretty dire at the time, will appear like lead pellets beside a 30cm diameter cannon ball.

There’s also the fact that the Treasury Bills (the loans that the regime makes to the public, in order to raise money for its spending) are due for repayment in June. That means that the Reserve Bank will theoretically have to find money to repay the public both the capital amount and the interest due. We say “theoretically” because in practice they do have some options: they can roll-over the bills and interest (ie tell the lenders that they can’t have their money back yet, but can have it back later, with more interest for those extra months); they can also roll-over the bills and interest, but unilaterally decide on a much lower interest rate (they can pluck their own number out of thin air, and make it compulsory); or they can roll-over just the bills themselves, repaying the interest to the lenders; or, indeed, they can repay the lenders the whole amount (and surely they can only do this by printing yet more money).

We wait - with all Zimbabweans around the world - to see what the actual effect of all this will be.

Meanwhile, listen to what our leader, Robert Mugabe said just a few days ago while addressing hundreds of youth that gathered at the ruling party Zanu-PF’s headquarters for the National Youth League Assembly: “During the next couple of months, prices will go down and if not, government will take steps to have central control of the economy”. What absolute nonsense! It is government itself which has caused inflation by its price-fixing mechanisms, profiteering and unrestricted spending and, as we’ve noted above, the situation is going to get worse - much worse - rather than better.

How long must we put up with this self-serving regime? How long before change comes, as no doubt it will? Pray that the change will be non-violent, because people’s patience and resources are running out fast.

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David Coltart : “The reasons why I cannot join the Tsvangirai faction”

Monday, June 5th, 2006

This is a little late, but here’s a quick pointer towards an article titled ‘The reasons why I cannot join the Tsvangirai faction’. Published on the David Coltart website on the 26th May (just spotted). It’s an interesting read. Equally interesting are the comments it has attracted so far. Nice to see public responses to a politician in a public forum.

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What constitutes resistance?

Thursday, June 1st, 2006

ZimPundit, writing for Global Voices, comments on the commemorative efforts by churches to mark the first anniversary of Murambatsvina. He cites Acoustic Motorbike as saying, an article titled, ‘Trapped in their own victimhood’, that “marking the ‘one year’ anniversary of this destruction ignores the fact that Murambatsvina is on going”, and goes on to say in the article:

by not integrating an element of resistance and defiance into the “commemorations,” civil society also will not move towards the long term programme it needs to see genuine democratic change in Zimbabwe

I am a fan of Acoustic Motorbike’s writing but I am troubled by this position.

ZimPundit himself commented “there’s still too much pain everywhere for us to take time to mourn right now”.

Both commentators reveal an obvious reluctance to lend full support to the recent commemorative actions and in both responses, there is a tangible note of criticism towards those that did, a suggestion that perhaos it was shortsighted or naive. This stance raises questions for me, and it reminds me of a blog that I have been struggling to write for weeks and weeks now, one that I am finding very difficult to express because it goes to the heart of what I myself, as an ‘activist‘ am doing (or not doing). The question revolving through my mind is ‘what is an activist?’. I am losing touch with what the word means, and I am fast realising that the simple act of ‘doing something’ (i.e. being active) isn’t considered enough by many. Being an ‘activist’ seems to also be about meeting the expectations of others, about attaining a certain ’standard’ of action before efforts are valued.

This thought started to raise itself a few months ago when there was a flurry of comments on this blog from readers about the amount of ‘whinging and moaning’ that went on in the writing here. I thought to myself then that there appeared to be an expectation that, by being part of a group that supported ‘activism‘, the writing should somehow be qualitatively ‘different’. So, I thought, to qualify as an activist, does one have to be eternally cheerful, always putting a positive spin on things to keep people’s ‘fighting spirits’ up? I’ve sat on the thought for a while, because it’s a big topic, and this little bit written here barely touches the surface of the issue for me. I must try and write more about this, but it’s a difficult one for me. I will come back to this issue in a later post …

But for now, in the aftermath of the commemorations, I have this to say.

First, a very simple absolute truth: I wasn’t there! I was not there because I was - much to my relief - unable to attend. But frankly, if I had been able to attend, I still would not have gone because I am scared! My apologies to the readers of this blog who expect braver words from activists, but that’s the flat truth.

I confess this because I want people to understand that those who did turn out were far far braver than I (and the hundreds of thousands of others who also did not turn out).

Acoustic Motorbike’s criticism is that the commemorations were somehow flawed, missed a trick, because they did not ‘integrate an element of resistance and defiance’. I picked up on that when I titled this post: ‘What constitutes resistance?’ For me, the biggest hurdle I have to overcome when it comes to peaceful non-violent civil disobediance is my own fear, and my fear for the safety of people I love. I do take calculated risks, and the risks I take are probably never big enough. Isn’t the ability to overcome fear a form of resistance in and of itself? Isn’t the ability to march in spite of fear a form of defiance?

Even if you think that that isn’t true, that the marching was passive, I would like to point out that there WAS unequivocal defiance on the march, evident in the words of a poem published on this blog a few days ago. Please keep in mind when you read these words that the poet himself read this out to a wide audience, and he read it in the presence of the watchful threatening police - possibly some of the same compassionless cruel individuals who destroyed homes, and threatened people when they wanted to save their precious items.

Aren’t these words, in that context, a clear example of directly challenging the police, warning them, and therefore an act of defiance?

May 2005, Remember
They came with baton sticks,
With teargas, with clenched fists
And with outstretched boots
They came with armored cars,
With AK’s and FNs
But yes we remembered
That we wrestle not against flesh and blood
The children of God armed
Themselves not with swords, spears and guns
We armed ourselves with the weapons of love

[...]

May 2005 we remember those no longer with us, those who have graduated to the Father
We remember those from Ngozi Mine and Killarney
What shall we say Baby Paradza, of Ernest Moyo of Macingwane
What shall we say of Smart Moyo, Margaret Tshabalala, Elias Mbedzi, Luke Mpofu, Thabani Jele ?
Where are they today ?
They lie dead and buried
But the truth can never be buried
But the truth can never be buried
Truth buried in the ground shall rise again
‘okulempondo akufihlwa’

Many of us spend a great deal of time trying to convince people around the world that writing a letter to their MP, writing to their newspapers, making a donation to a worthwhile organisation, are all forms of taking an active interest in what’s happening in Zimbabwe. Become active, we say! But how credible is that position if we even hint at undermining the active efforts that others are making? Isn’t it possible that people, rather than being emboldened by a small step forward will feel more reluctant to try again in the future?

Turning to ZimPundit’s position: my response is deeply personal. I knew several people who were killed during the Gukuruhundi. It appalls me that foreign people around the world - especially fellow Africans - do not know what the Gukuruhundi was about. If the average African person knew that Mugabe and his thugs had embarked on a deliberate military operation to mass kill thousands of innocent civilians in our country then I think that his actions today during Murambatsvina and in the years preceeding would be seen in an entirely different light. They would know that he was behaving like a violent, repressive and very cruel dictator. It would be much harder for African people to retain an idea of him as a person who liberates and champions freedom. He does not deserve that reputation at all.

Is it not possible that we all collectively failed the victims. Maybe ordinary Zimbabweans didn’t remember the Gukuruhundi loudly and frequently enough in our own country. Maybe we turned a blind eye thus setting a precident for the international community, and we have only ourselves to blame for the fact that it has become a dark shadow in our history, silently lurking and ever present and haunting us still.

Is it to soon to grieve? A year is both an eternity and an instant. For those enduring the hardship of cold winters without a home, ill health and no money for food, every single day must feel like a life sentence in hell. And yet, the pictures in the previous post show how quickly nature can spin around and erase all evidence of the lives of many. If those satellite images had been taken two years later - when the grieving was over (or how long is long enough) - it may look as if no one had ever lived there at all: fragile human existances simply erased.

I think world politics and world memories are like nature. Zimbabweans may be grieving and in pain, but we cannot let the world forget. We cannot allow the ‘nature’ of world politics to churn on relentlessly, and we cannot risk that Murambatsvina ends up assigned to the ‘it happened in the past’ category in the same way that the Gukurhundi has been. My view is we cannot remember often enough, we cannot remember loudly enough, and any effort to remember, no matter how small, is very important. It adds up.

And for those living out a day to day eternity in hell? What is that like? Do they wake up every day with hope that someone out there will be able to help just a little bit that day, or do they, facing the hundredth day of misery, conclude with utter misery and disbelief that no one cares at all, and that their lives and experiences are worthless? I suspect that many have long concluded that the world doesn’t care, they have probably given up hope and are simply surviving now.

But if the marches on the first anniversary demonstrated to a even a small handful of victims that efforts were being made, that a small number of brave souls were determined to not forget, then it must count for a lot. If all those marches showed was that some cared, and they cared deeply, then that surely has to be applauded and supported.

A shout in the dark, when you’re lost and frightened and utterly alone, is priceless and perhaps that single faint shout is all a person needs to hang onto until the dawn comes and brings light again. We need to keep shouting - and it would help hugely if we all shouted together.

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